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| There are many types of texts that may provide information on Mesopotamian disease and medicine, including letters, law codes and some literary texts as well as, most importantly, the medical texts and lexical sources. | There are many types of texts that may provide information on Mesopotamian disease and medicine, including letters, law codes and some literary texts as well as, most importantly, the medical texts and lexical sources. |
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| The earliest known medical text dates from the third dynasty of Ur (2000 BCE) and is written in Sumerian. Other early (fourteenth century BCE) Sumerian texts have been found at Hattusa (Boghazkeui), but it is not known if they were originally composed in Sumerian or copied and translated from Babylonian originals. Most of the medical texts (in Akkadian) date from the Neo-Assyrian period and come primarily from Assur (Qalat sharqat) or the library at Nineveh with some originating from Nippur, Boghazkeui, and Sultantepe (Biggs 1969, 1995). However, as has been pointed out (Oppenheim 1964, Biggs 1969), these texts represent a tradition that dates from the Old Babylonian period. Unfortunately no medical texts have been discovered that date from this period. | The earliest known medical text dates from the third dynasty of Ur (2000 BC) and is written in Sumerian. Other early (fourteenth century BC) Sumerian texts have been found at Hattusa (Boghazkeui), but it is not known if they were originally composed in Sumerian or copied and translated from Babylonian originals. Most of the medical texts (in Akkadian) date from the Neo-Assyrian period and come primarily from Assur (Qalat sharqat) or the library at Nineveh with some originating from Nippur, Boghazkeui, and Sultantepe (Biggs 1969, 1995). However, as has been pointed out (Oppenheim 1964, Biggs 1969), these texts represent a tradition that dates from the Old Babylonian period. Unfortunately no medical texts have been discovered that date from this period. |
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| Oppenheim (1964) separates the medical texts into two traditions, a “scientific” and a “practical”, Biggs (1969) refers to these same two traditions as “diagnostic” and “therapeutic” respectively. In the “scientific” or “diagnostic” category belong texts termed prognostic omens. This is a group of about forty texts that are titled Enuuma ana biit mars,i aaszipu illiku… meaning, “when, to the house of the patient the magician goes…” (edited by R. Labat as Traite akkadien de diagnostics et prognostics medicaux). These texts help the magician by informing him on potential diagnoses for his patient given signs he might see on the way to the patients home or the symptoms and/or behavior of the patient. They also provide a prognosis that is simply whether the patient will live or die. Rarely do they provide a treatment and when they do such treatment is exclusively magical. | Oppenheim (1964) separates the medical texts into two traditions, a “scientific” and a “practical”, Biggs (1969) refers to these same two traditions as “diagnostic” and “therapeutic” respectively. In the “scientific” or “diagnostic” category belong texts termed prognostic omens. This is a group of about forty texts that are titled Enuuma ana biit mars,i aaszipu illiku… meaning, “when, to the house of the patient the magician goes…” (edited by R. Labat as Traite akkadien de diagnostics et prognostics medicaux). These texts help the magician by informing him on potential diagnoses for his patient given signs he might see on the way to the patients home or the symptoms and/or behavior of the patient. They also provide a prognosis that is simply whether the patient will live or die. Rarely do they provide a treatment and when they do such treatment is exclusively magical. |
| There were two different types of medical practitioners in Mesopotamia, the aszipu and the asuu, who are traditionally seen as having distinct functions in the healing of illness. The asuu (physician) was the therapeutic practitioner, he or she (female practitioners were known) dealt with the physical aspects of curing disease, concocting potions, salves, and tinctures and applying them (or instructing the patient in their application). The aszipu (magician) was always male and dealt with illness from a magical standpoint through the use of omens and incantations. They functioned as exorcists and were members of the clergy (Biggs 1995). It is well known, however, that although maintaining distinct primary functions, the two practitioners probably worked together to a certain extent (Biggs 1995). Hector Avalos (1995) gives a great deal of evidence to show that the two did often work together. For example, an asuu, after examining a patient, might suggest he see the aszipu for further help, or if the physician’s cure was not successful, the magical one was often recommended. Also, the physician would sometimes use incantations or other rituals as part of the application procedure for a medication. Likewise the magician was recorded as having sent patients to the physician for supplemental treatment. | There were two different types of medical practitioners in Mesopotamia, the aszipu and the asuu, who are traditionally seen as having distinct functions in the healing of illness. The asuu (physician) was the therapeutic practitioner, he or she (female practitioners were known) dealt with the physical aspects of curing disease, concocting potions, salves, and tinctures and applying them (or instructing the patient in their application). The aszipu (magician) was always male and dealt with illness from a magical standpoint through the use of omens and incantations. They functioned as exorcists and were members of the clergy (Biggs 1995). It is well known, however, that although maintaining distinct primary functions, the two practitioners probably worked together to a certain extent (Biggs 1995). Hector Avalos (1995) gives a great deal of evidence to show that the two did often work together. For example, an asuu, after examining a patient, might suggest he see the aszipu for further help, or if the physician’s cure was not successful, the magical one was often recommended. Also, the physician would sometimes use incantations or other rituals as part of the application procedure for a medication. Likewise the magician was recorded as having sent patients to the physician for supplemental treatment. |
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| Given the fact that the practitioners of medicine seem to have worked together to a certain extent, how did the medical texts themselves fit into the daily practice of a physician or a magician? The earliest medical text dates to 2000 BCE (see The Sources), but it is in the same form as the therapeutic texts a thousand years later. Does this mean that the practice of medicine remained the same for a millennia without change? It is unclear whether the practitioners were all literate, and thus we are not certain to what degree the texts were used as handbooks for medical practice. It is clear that not all the functions of the physician or magician are addressed in the texts. Letters often refer to broken bones and traumatic wounds, but the texts never mention these problems. What the primary purpose of the medical texts was and what developments may have taken place in the field of medicine after the official form of the texts was set is not yet clear (Biggs 1969). | Given the fact that the practitioners of medicine seem to have worked together to a certain extent, how did the medical texts themselves fit into the daily practice of a physician or a magician? The earliest medical text dates to 2000 BC (see The Sources), but it is in the same form as the therapeutic texts a thousand years later. Does this mean that the practice of medicine remained the same for a millennia without change? It is unclear whether the practitioners were all literate, and thus we are not certain to what degree the texts were used as handbooks for medical practice. It is clear that not all the functions of the physician or magician are addressed in the texts. Letters often refer to broken bones and traumatic wounds, but the texts never mention these problems. What the primary purpose of the medical texts was and what developments may have taken place in the field of medicine after the official form of the texts was set is not yet clear (Biggs 1969). |
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| What little information we have specifically regarding the training and education of the physicians comes from two humorous tales, “The Poor Man from Nippur” and “Why Do You Cuss Me?” (Reiner 1964). In the first tale we see the poor man disguise himself as a physician, he is shaved and carries a bag and censer. He claims to be a physician from Isin, which we know to have been the center of Gula the goddess of healing. It was likely that Isin was, therefore, a center for medical training and by claiming to be from Isin the poor man is announcing his expert qualifications (Biggs 1995). In the other tale, however, we see a physician that could not understand spoken Sumerian, suggesting that at least this particular physician’s training was lacking (Reiner 1964). Biggs (1995) states that the title “chief physician” is attested, suggesting that there may have been some sort of professional guild for physicians. | What little information we have specifically regarding the training and education of the physicians comes from two humorous tales, “The Poor Man from Nippur” and “Why Do You Cuss Me?” (Reiner 1964). In the first tale we see the poor man disguise himself as a physician, he is shaved and carries a bag and censer. He claims to be a physician from Isin, which we know to have been the center of Gula the goddess of healing. It was likely that Isin was, therefore, a center for medical training and by claiming to be from Isin the poor man is announcing his expert qualifications (Biggs 1995). In the other tale, however, we see a physician that could not understand spoken Sumerian, suggesting that at least this particular physician’s training was lacking (Reiner 1964). Biggs (1995) states that the title “chief physician” is attested, suggesting that there may have been some sort of professional guild for physicians. |
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| == Bibliography == | == Bibliography == |
| | * [[http://www.ames.cam.ac.uk/jmc/|Le Journal des Médecines Cunéiformes]] \\ |
| | * Abdul Aziz, M.H. and J. Slipka. "Twins from Tell Hassuna." Sumer XXII, no. no.1 (1966): 45-50.\\ |
| | * Adamson, P.B. "Anatomical and Pathological Terms in Akkadian: Part I." //Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society// (1974): 102-06.\\ |
| | * Adamson, P.B. "Anatomical and Pathological Terms in Akkadian: Part ii." //Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society?// (1979): 2-8. \\ |
| | * Adamson, P.B. "Anatomical and Pathological Terms in Akkadian: Part iii." //Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society? // (1981): 125-32. \\ |
| | * Adamson, P.B. "Medical Complications Associated with Security and Control of Prisioners of War in the Ancient near East." //Medical History 34// (1990): 311-19. \\ |
| | * Avalos, H. //Illness and Health Care in the Ancient near East//. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995. \\ |
| | * Biggs, R. "Medicine in Ancient Mesopotamia." //History of Science// 4 (1969): 103. \\ |
| | * Biggs, R.D. "Conception, Contraception, and Abortion in Ancient Mesopotamia." In //Wisdom, Gods and Literature//, edited by A.R. and Finlkel George, I.L., 1-13. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2000. \\ |
| | * Biggs, R.D. "Medicine, Surgery and Public Health in Ancient Mesopotamia." In //Civilizations of the Ancient near East//, edited by J.M. Sasson, 1911-24, 1995. \\ |
| | * Biggs, Robert. "Ergotism and Mycotoxicoses in Ancient Mesopotamia." In Velles Paraules: //Ancient near Eastern Studies in Honor of Miguel Civil//, Aula Orientalis, 1991. \\ |
| | * Biggs, Robert. "Medizin." //Reallexikon der Assyriologie// 7 (1990): 623-29. \\ |
| | * Biggs, Robert. //Sza3.Zi.Ga: Ancient Mesopotamian Potency Incantations//. Edited by A.L. Oppenheim. Vol. 2, Texts from Cuneiform Sources. Locust Valley: J.J. Augustin Publisher, 1967. \\ |
| | * Blaisdell, J.Dl. "The Deadly Bite of Ancient Animals: Written Evidence for Rabies, or the Lack Thereof, in the Ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian Texts." //Vet Hist. 8//, no. 1-2 (1994): 22-28. \\ |
| | * Brothwell, D. and A.T. Sandison, ed. //Diseases in Antiquity//. Springfield: C.C. Thomas, 1967. \\ |
| | * Campbell Thompson, R. "Assyrian Prescriptions for the "Hand of the Ghost"." //Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society// (1929): 819. \\ |
| | * Carter, K.C. "Causes of Disease and Death in the Babylonian Talmud." //Medizinhist J. 26//, no. 1-2 (1991): 94-104. \\ |
| | * Chase, D. "Evidence of Disease in Ancient near Eastern Texts: Leprosy in the Epilogue to the Code of Hammurapi?" In //Human Paleopathology, Current Syntheses and Future Options//, edited by D.J and A.C. Aufderheide Ortner. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1991. \\ |
| | * Civil, M. "Medical Commentaries from Nippur." //Journal of Near Eastern Studies// (JNES) (1974): 329-38. \\ |
| | * Civil, M. "Prescriptions Medicales Sumeriennes." //Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archeologie Orientale// (RA) 54 (1960). \\ |
| | * Coleman, M and J. Scurlock. "Viral Haemorrhagic Fevers in Ancient Mesopotamia." //Tropical Medicine and International Health 2//, no. 6 (1997): 603-06. \\ |
| | * Collins, Timothy J. //Natural Illness in Babylonian Medical Incantations//. Ph.D. dissertaton, University of Chicago, 1999. \\ |
| | * de Graef, K. "A Foreign Origin for the Word Bennu? * ." //N.A.B.U. // 4, no. December (1999). \\ |
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| | * Geller, M.J. "(Book Review) Pablo Herrero, La Therapeutique Mesopotamienne." //Bibliotheca Orientalis// XLIII, no. No.5/6 (1986): 738-44. \\ |
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| |
| *[http://www.ames.cam.ac.uk/jmc/ Le Journal des Médecines Cunéiformes] | |
| |
| *Abdul Aziz, M.H. and J. Slipka. "Twins from Tell Hassuna." Sumer XXII, no. no.1 (1966): 45-50. | |
| *Adamson, P.B. "Anatomical and Pathological Terms in Akkadian: Part I." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1974): 102-06. | |
| *Adamson, P.B. "Anatomical and Pathological Terms in Akkadian: Part Ii." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society? (1979): 2-8. | |
| *Adamson, P.B. "Anatomical and Pathological Terms in Akkadian: Part Iii." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society? (1981): 125-32. | |
| *Adamson, P.B. "Medical Complications Associated with Security and Control of Prisioners of War in the Ancient near East." Medical History 34 (1990): 311-19. | |
| *Avalos, H. Illness and Health Care in the Ancient near East. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995. | |
| *Biggs, R. "Medicine in Ancient Mesopotamia." History of Science 4 (1969): 103. | |
| *Biggs, R.D. "Conception, Contraception, and Abortion in Ancient Mesopotamia." In Wisdom, Gods and Literature, edited by A.R. and Finlkel George, I.L., 1-13. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2000. | |
| *Biggs, R.D. "Medicine, Surgery and Public Health in Ancient Mesopotamia." In Civilizations of the Ancient near East, edited by J.M. Sasson, 1911-24, 1995. | |
| *Biggs, Robert. "Ergotism and Mycotoxicoses in Ancient Mesopotamia." In Velles Paraules: Ancient near Eastern Studies in Honor of Miguel Civil, Aula Orientalis, 1991. | |
| *Biggs, Robert. "Medizin." Reallexikon der Assyriologie 7 (1990): 623-29. | |
| *Biggs, Robert. Sza3.Zi.Ga: Ancient Mesopotamian Potency Incantations. Edited by A.L. Oppenheim. Vol. 2, Texts from Cuneiform Sources. Locust Valley: J.J. Augustin Publisher, 1967. | |
| *Blaisdell, J.Dl. "The Deadly Bite of Ancient Animals: Written Evidence for Rabies, or the Lack Thereof, in the Ancient Egyptian and Mesopotamian Texts." Vet Hist. 8, no. 1-2 (1994): 22-28. | |
| *Brothwell, D. and A.T. Sandison, ed. Diseases in Antiquity. Springfield: C.C. Thomas, 1967. | |
| *Campbell Thompson, R. "Assyrian Prescriptions for the "Hand of the Ghost"." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1929): 819. | |
| *Carter, K.C. "Causes of Disease and Death in the Babylonian Talmud." Medizinhist J. 26, no. 1-2 (1991): 94-104. | |
| *Chase, D. "Evidence of Disease in Ancient near Eastern Texts: Leprosy in the Epilogue to the Code of Hammurapi?" In Human Paleopathology, Current Syntheses and Future Options, edited by D.J and A.C. Aufderheide Ortner. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1991. | |
| *Civil, M. "Medical Commentaries from Nippur." Journal of Near Eastern Studies (JNES) (1974): 329-38. | |
| *Civil, M. "Prescriptions Medicales Sumeriennes." Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archeologie Orientale (RA) 54 (1960). | |
| *Coleman, M and J. Scurlock. "Viral Haemorrhagic Fevers in Ancient Mesopotamia." Tropical Medicine and International Health 2, no. 6 (1997): 603-06. | |
| *Collins, Timothy J. "Natural Illness in Babylonian Medical Incantations." Ph.D. dissertaton, University of Chicago, 1999. | |
| *de Graef, K. "A Foreign Origin for the Word Bennu?*." N.A.B.U. 4, no. December (1999). | |
| *Durand, Jean-Marie. "Maladies Et Medicins." Archives Epistolaires de Mari, No. 1 Archives Royals de Mari 26 (1988). | |
| *Ellison, R. "Diet in Mesopotamia: The Evidence of the Barley Ration Texts (C. 3000-1400 Bc)." Iraq XLII part 1 (1981): 35-45. | |
| *Finkle, I. "On Tdp Tablets Xxix and Xxxi." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 46 (1994). | |
| *Finkle, I.L. "On Late Babylonian Medical Training." In Wisdom, Gods and Literature - Studies in Honor of W.G. *Lambert, edited by A.R. and Finkel George, I.L., 137-89. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2000. | |
| *Frohlich, B., and et al. "Human Disease in the Ancient Middle East." Dilmun Magazine 13 (1988). | |
| *Geller, M.J. "(Book Review) Marie-Louise Thomsen, Zauberdiagnose Und Schwarze Magie in Mesopotamien." Bibliotheca Orientalis XLV, no. No. 5/6 (1988): 629-32. | |
| *Geller, M.J. "(Book Review) Pablo Herrero, La Therapeutique Mesopotamienne." Bibliotheca Orientalis XLIII, no. No.5/6 (1986): 738-44. | |
| *Geller, M.J. and S.L. Cohen. "Kidney and Urinary Tract Disease in Ancient Babylonia, with Translations of the Cuneiform Sources." Kidney International 47 (1995): 1811-15. | |
| *Grimes, D.A. "Clinical Research in Ancient Babylon: Methodologic Insights from the Book of Daniel." Obstet Gynecol. 86, no. 6 (1995): 1031-34. | |
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